HRW Report on Repression and Reform in Morocco and the Western Sahara

[Human Rights Watch logo. Image from hrw.org] [Human Rights Watch logo. Image from hrw.org]

HRW Report on Repression and Reform in Morocco and the Western Sahara

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was released by Human Rights Watch on 31 January 2013.]

Moroccans still await tangible improvements in human rights a year after the adoption of a progressive new constitution and the election of an Islamist-led parliament and government, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2013.

Even as government ministers talked of reform, the courts imprisoned dissidents during 2012 under repressive laws curtailing free speech, and after unfair trials. The police used excessive force against demonstrators, and abused the rights of migrants and advocates of self-determination for Western Sahara faced continuing repression.

“Judging by the text of the 2011 constitution, Morocco’s leaders recognize that enhancing human rights is central to meeting popular aspirations,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “But judging by the practice on the ground, they have yet to grasp that words alone are not enough.”

In its 665-page report, Human Rights Watch assessed progress on human rights during the past year in more than ninety countries, including an analysis of the aftermath of the Arab uprisings. The willingness of new governments to respect rights will determine whether the Arab uprisings give birth to genuine democracy or simply spawn authoritarianism in new clothes, Human Rights Watch said.

Among those imprisoned in Morocco for exercising their right to free speech are journalist Rachid Nini, who served one year in prison for his writing; rapper Mouad Belghouat, who is serving a one-year prison term for a song critical of the police; and twenty-two Sahrawis, who have spent more than two years in pre-trial detention far from their homes in a politically charged case.

Moroccan police allowed some public protests to go ahead unmolested but on other occasions used excessive force to disperse demonstrations, regardless of whether they were peaceful or disorderly. In one recent instance, on 27 December, police beat and dragged a member of parliament, Abdessamad Idrissi, after he intervened as they were violently dispersing a protest by unemployed people in front of the parliament in Rabat.

Courts sometimes sentenced demonstrators to prison terms after convicting them in unfair trials of charges such as assaulting or insulting police officers. For example, an appeals court in January 2013 sentenced to prison five demonstrators who support the February 20 movement, created at the time of pro-reform protests in 2011, on the basis of confessions that they claimed had been beaten out of them, and without any witness testimony or other evidence presented in court that linked them to the offenses.

The authorities severely restrict the rights of those who advocate self-determination for Western Sahara, which has been under de facto Moroccan rule since 1975. Morocco refuses to allow pro-independence demonstrations in Western Sahara or to permit the legal recognition of associations whose leaders are known to favor independence. This policy is underpinned by legislation that prohibits “harming” Islam, the monarchy, and Morocco’s “territorial integrity.” The last phrase is understood to mean Morocco’s claim to, and annexation of, Western Sahara. Abolishing such laws should be a priority as Morocco sets about harmonizing its legislation with the 2011 constitution, Human Rights Watch said.

Reports of abuse of Sub-Saharan migrants in Morocco increased during the year. The abuse included raids in which police arbitrarily destroyed and seized property and forcibly bused migrants to the Algerian border, dumping many of them there in a manner that violates due process.

Despite the slow pace of reform, some positive developments pointed the right way forward, Human Rights Watch said. Notably, the government allowed the UN special rapporteur on torture to visit Morocco and Western Sahara in September, and the National Council of Human Rights, a state-funded body that reports to the king, issued groundbreaking reports criticizing conditions in the country’s prisons and state-run mental institutions.

On the issue of media freedom, the Communication Ministry announced that Al Jazeera would be permitted to reopen its office in Rabat. The government had ordered the office closed in 2010, in dissatisfaction over its news reporting.

“Human rights issues are widely and openly discussed in Morocco, and this is a real plus,” Whitson said. “But even as authorities deliberate and consult on the reform process, they need to show the political will to curtail the abuses that persist.”

Read the entire report here.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412